Texas House of Representatives Election 2024: 99 Seats Up for Grabs
As we approach the pivotal 2024 general elections, the spotlight shines brightly on the Texas House of Representatives. This year, 99 seats are contested, reflecting a vibrant democratic process and the essential role of civic engagement in our state. The stakes are high as each candidate brings forward their vision for Texas, promising a dynamic and competitive election season.
Below is a comprehensive list of the contested seats, highlighting the candidates vying for your vote:
| District | Democratic | Republican | Other |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2 | Kristen Washington | Brent Money | – |
| 4 | Alex Bar-Sela | Keith Bell (i) | – |
| 6 | Cody Grace | Daniel Alders | – |
| 7 | Marlena Cooper | Jay Dean (i) | – |
| 8 | Carolyn Salter | Cody Harris (i) | – |
| 10 | – | Brian E. Harrison (i) | Jeremy Schroppel (Libertarian Party) |
| 12 | Dee Howard Mullins | Trey Wharton | Robert Profili (Libertarian Party) |
| 13 | Albert Hunter | Angelia Orr (i) | – |
| 14 | Fred Medina | Paul Dyson | Jeff Miller (Libertarian Party) |
| 16 | Mike Midler | Will Metcalf (i) | – |
| 17 | Desiree Venable | Stan Gerdes (i) | – |
| 18 | – | Janis Holt | Shanna Steele (Libertarian Party) |
| 19 | Dwain Handley | Ellen Troxclair (i) | – |
| 20 | Stephen Wyman | Terry Wilson (i) | – |
| 23 | Dev Merugumala | Terri Leo-Wilson (i) | – |
| 25 | J. Daggett | Cody Vasut (i) | – |
| 26 | Daniel Lee | Matt Morgan | – |
| 27 | Ron Reynolds (i) | Ibifrisolam Max-Alalibo | – |
| 28 | Marty Rocha | Gary Gates (i) | – |
| 29 | Adrienne Bell | Jeffrey Barry | – |
| 30 | Stephanie Bassham | A.J. Louderback | – |
| 32 | Cathy McAuliffe | Todd Hunter (i) | – |
| 34 | Solomon Ortiz | Denise Villalobos | – |
| 37 | Jonathan Gracia | Janie Lopez (i) | – |
| 39 | Armando Martinez (i) | Jimmie Garcia | – |
| 41 | Robert Guerra (i) | John Guerra | – |
| 43 | Mariana Casarez | J.M. Lozano (i) | – |
| 44 | Eric Norman | Alan Schoolcraft | – |
| 45 | Erin Zwiener (i) | Tennyson Moreno | – |
| 46 | Sheryl Cole (i) | Nikki Kosich | – |
| 47 | Vikki Goodwin (i) | Scott Firsing | – |
| 48 | Donna Howard (i) | – | Daniel McCarthy (Libertarian Party) |
| 52 | Jennie Birkholz | Caroline Harris (i) | – |
| 53 | Joe P. Herrera | Wesley Virdell | Brian Holk (Libertarian Party) |
| 54 | Dawn Richardson | Brad Buckley (i) | – |
| 55 | Jennifer Lee | Hillary Hickland | – |
| 56 | Erin Shank | Pat Curry | – |
| 57 | Collin Johnson | Richard Hayes (i) | Darren Hamilton (Libertarian Party) |
| 58 | – | Helen Kerwin | Richard Windmann (Libertarian Party) |
| 59 | Hannah Bohm | Shelby Slawson (i) | – |
| 61 | Tony Adams | Keresa Richardson | – |
| 62 | Tiffany Drake | Shelley Luther | – |
| 63 | Michelle Beckley | Ben Bumgarner (i) | – |
| 64 | Angela Brewer | Andy Hopper | – |
| 65 | Detrick Deburr | Mitch Little | – |
| 66 | David Carstens | Matt Shaheen (i) | – |
| 67 | Makala Washington | Jeff Leach (i) | – |
| 68 | Stacey Swann | David Spiller (i) | – |
| 69 | Walter Coppage | James Frank (i) | – |
| 70 | Mihaela Plesa (i) | Steven Kinard | – |
| 71 | Linda Goolsbee | Stan Lambert (i) | – |
| 72 | – | Drew Darby (i) | – |
| 73 | Sally Duval | Carrie Isaac (i) | – |
| 74 | Eddie Morales Jr. (i) | Robert Garza | – |
| 75 | Mary Gonzalez (i) | – | – |
| 76 | Suleman Lalani (i) | Lea Simmons | – |
| 80 | Cecilia Castellano | Don McLaughlin | – |
| 82 | Steven Schafersman | Tom Craddick (i) | – |
| 84 | Noah Lopez | Carl Tepper (i) | – |
| 87 | Timothy Gassaway | Caroline Fairly | – |
| 89 | Darrel Evans | Candy Noble (i) | – |
| 93 | Perla Bojorquez | Nate Schatzline (i) | – |
| 94 | Denise Wilkerson | Tony Tinderholt (i) | – |
| 96 | Ebony Turner | David Cook (i) | – |
| 97 | Carlos Walker | John McQueeney | – |
| 98 | Scott Bryan White | Giovanni Capriglione (i) | – |
| 99 | Mimi Coffey | Charlie Geren (i) | – |
| 100 | Venton Jones (i) | – | Joe Roberts (Libertarian Party) |
| 101 | Chris Turner (i) | Clint Burgess | – |
| 105 | Terry Meza (i) | Rose Cannaday | – |
| 106 | Hava Johnston | Jared Patterson (i) | – |
| 108 | Elizabeth Ginsberg | Morgan Meyer (i) | – |
| 112 | Averie Bishop | Angie Chen Button (i) | – |
| 113 | Rhetta Andrews Bowers (i) | Stephen Stanley | – |
| 114 | John W. Bryant (i) | Aimee Ramsey | – |
| 115 | Cassandra Garcia Hernandez | John Jun | – |
| 116 | Trey Martinez Fischer (i) | Darryl Crain | – |
| 117 | Philip Cortez (i) | Ben Mostyn | – |
| 118 | Kristian Carranza | John Lujan (i) | – |
| 119 | Elizabeth Campos (i) | Brandon Grable | – |
| 121 | Laurel Jordan Swift | Marc LaHood | – |
| 122 | Kevin Geary | Mark Dorazio (i) | – |
| 124 | Josey Garcia (i) | Sylvia Soto | – |
| 126 | Sarah Smith (Write-in) | E. Sam Harless (i) | – |
| 127 | John Lehr | Charles Cunningham (i) | – |
| 128 | Charles Crews | Briscoe Cain (i) | Kevin Hagan (Libertarian Party) |
| 129 | Doug Peterson | Dennis Paul (i) | – |
| 130 | Brett Robinson | Tom Oliverson (i) | – |
| 132 | Chase West | Mike Schofield (i) | – |
| 134 | Ann Johnson (i) | Audrey Douglas | – |
| 136 | John Bucy III (i) | Amin Salahuddin | – |
| 137 | Gene Wu (i) | – | Lee Sharp (Libertarian Party) |
| 138 | Stephanie Morales | Lacey Hull (i) | – |
| 139 | Primary runoff results pending | – | |
| 146 | Lauren Ashley Simmons | Lance York | – |
| 147 | Jolanda Jones (i) | Claudio Gutierrez | – |
| 148 | Penny Morales Shaw (i) | Kay Smith | – |
| 149 | Hubert Vo (i) | Lily Truong | – |
| 150 | Marisela Jimenez | Valoree Swanson (i) | – |
The diversity of candidates across party lines underscores the vibrancy of our state’s political landscape. Each candidate brings unique perspectives and solutions to the table, offering voters an array of choices to shape the future of Texas.
As we move closer to the election date, it’s imperative for voters to stay informed and engage in the electoral process. Your vote is your voice, and it holds the power to influence the direction of our state’s governance.
Stay tuned for more in-depth analyses and candidate profiles in the upcoming issues of the Texas Liberty Journal.
Election
MAGA Base Gets Its Champion as Trump Endorses Ken Paxton
Texas — When Donald Trump finally weighed in on the Texas Republican Senate runoff, the political class expected the usual outcome. They assumed Trump would follow the whispers of Washington consultants, donor networks, and the familiar chorus of establishment Republicans who have spent years defending John Cornyn.
Instead, Trump did something that stunned the insiders. He listened to the base.
In a move that has electrified grassroots conservatives across the Lone Star State, Trump endorsed Ken Paxton in the Republican Senate runoff, sending a clear signal that the America First movement in Texas will not be dictated by the same political machinery that has dominated the GOP for decades.
In a post on Truth Social this afternoon, President Trump posted, “…Therefore, Ken Paxton has my Complete and Total Endorsement to be the next United States Senator from the Great State of Texas – KEN PAXTON WILL NEVER LET YOU DOWN!”
For many Texans, the endorsement felt less like a routine political decision and more like a long awaited course correction.
Because the first round of the primary already exposed something the establishment tried desperately to ignore. Despite spending roughly sixteen times more money than Paxton, Cornyn barely managed to limp into the runoff with a narrow lead. Federal Election Commission filings showed Cornyn’s campaign spending roughly $78 per vote, compared to Paxton’s lean $5 per vote.
Those numbers revealed the reality behind the race. Cornyn’s support was built on money and institutional backing, while Paxton’s momentum came from something far harder to manufacture, genuine enthusiasm among Republican voters.
For weeks, political insiders predicted Trump would side with the establishment. The pressure campaign was intense. Longtime Republican figures including Tom DeLay, Bill Flores, Pete Olson, Rick Perry, Mac Thornberry, and Lamar Smith all lined up behind Cornyn.
In Washington circles, the assumption was simple. Trump would eventually fall in line with the familiar power structure that has dominated Texas Republican politics for years.
Instead, he did the opposite.
By endorsing Paxton, Trump effectively sided with the voters rather than the gatekeepers who have long attempted to manage the party from the top down. For grassroots conservatives, the decision carried enormous symbolic weight.
Paxton has spent much of the past decade building a reputation as one of the most aggressive legal challengers to federal overreach in the country. As Texas attorney general, he repeatedly filed lawsuits against federal policies involving immigration enforcement, regulatory authority, and executive power.
Those confrontations made Paxton a hero among many conservative voters who view the courts as one of the few arenas where states can resist federal expansion.
Cornyn’s long Senate career has been defined by the kind of dealmaking that Washington celebrates but grassroots conservatives increasingly distrust. Critics often point to his central role negotiating federal gun legislation following the Robb Elementary School shooting, legislation that included incentives for states to adopt red flag style firearm restrictions.
Immigration policy has also been a dividing line. Many activists argue Cornyn failed to aggressively support border wall construction during key congressional negotiations, a point that has become politically radioactive in a state dealing with record levels of illegal crossings.
Those policy disputes created a widening gap between Cornyn and the Republican base.
Trump’s endorsement of Paxton suggests the former president recognized that gap and chose to stand with the movement that propelled him into the White House in the first place.
The most remarkable part of Trump’s endorsement may not be who he backed. It is that he refused to follow the predictable path the political establishment expected.
By endorsing Paxton, he effectively told the establishment something it rarely hears in Washington. “Go #### Yourself!” The grassroots movement that reshaped the Republican Party is still very much in charge.
For many Texans, the decision confirmed something they have long believed about Trump. Despite relentless pressure from consultants and insiders, he remains uniquely attuned to the energy of the voters who built the America First movement.
And in Texas, that movement clearly chose its champion.
If the runoff becomes a referendum on whether Republican voters want an establishment senator or a combative defender of the MAGA agenda, Trump’s endorsement leaves little doubt where the momentum lies.
The political class may be surprised. The grassroots are not.
Election
“MAGA Mayes” vs. “RINO Roy” for Texas Attorney General
OPINION – Texas conservatives have seen this movie before. A polished Republican talks tough on the Constitution, quotes the Founders on cue, rails against Washington corruption, and convinces voters he is one of the good guys. Then the pressure hits. The cameras come on. The media starts demanding blood. And suddenly the “fighter” voters elected folds faster than a lawn chair at a church picnic.
That is the growing fear surrounding Congressman Chip Roy as speculation intensifies over the Texas Attorney General race. For many grassroots conservatives, Roy is not simply another establishment Republican. He represents something more dangerous, a Republican who knows exactly how conservatives think, exactly what they want to hear, and exactly when to abandon them to protect his standing with the political class.
That perception hardened permanently after January 6.
While Democrats, corporate media, and anti Trump Republicans launched a coordinated political assault against President Donald Trump, Roy joined the feeding frenzy at the exact moment conservatives expected Republicans to stand firm. On January 13, 2021, Roy took to the House floor and declared Trump’s conduct was “clearly impeachable.” The comments were widely covered by outlets including CNN and The Texas Tribune.
At the time, Democrats were aggressively pushing impeachment while left wing media outlets painted millions of Trump supporters as domestic extremists. Conservatives across the country watched banks deplatform citizens, federal agencies ramp up investigations, and political dissent become increasingly criminalized. And there was Chip Roy, sounding almost indistinguishable from the Republicans conservatives had spent years fighting against.
Worse still, Roy’s rhetoric placed him in alignment with some of the most despised anti Trump Republicans in modern history, including Liz Cheney and Congressman Thomas Massie. Cheney ultimately became the public face of the January 6 Committee, a committee many conservatives viewed as less interested in truth than in politically destroying Trump and intimidating his supporters. Roy may not have joined that committee, but to many voters, he helped legitimize the narrative driving it.
This matters because the Attorney General’s office is not ceremonial. The Texas AG is often the final line of defense against federal overreach, politically motivated prosecutions, censorship efforts, and constitutional violations. Every time a city government wants to object to an open records request by a citizen, they need the permission of the AG. Conservatives are not looking for another Republican who caves once the editorial boards and Sunday shows begin screeching. They want someone willing to absorb political punishment without turning on the movement that elected him.
That is why Texas State Senator Mays Middleton is gaining traction among MAGA conservatives. Known by supporters as “MAGA Mayes,” Middleton has cultivated a reputation as an unapologetic America First conservative. He backed election integrity legislation, border enforcement measures, anti-ESG policies, and efforts to stop taxpayer funded lobbying by local governments. More importantly, he has not spent the past several years publicly distancing himself from the voters who dominate today’s Republican base.
To many conservatives, the contrast is glaring. Middleton looks like a man preparing for political combat. Roy increasingly looks like a man carefully managing his reputation with DC insiders while hoping Texas voters forget what happened in 2021.
And conservatives should ask themselves an uncomfortable question. If Roy was willing to publicly break with Trump during the biggest coordinated political attack against conservatives in modern history, what happens when the next crisis arrives? What happens when federal agencies pressure Texas? What happens when media outlets begin demanding prosecutions, investigations, or compromise? Does Roy suddenly rediscover his “constitutional concerns” while conservatives once again get thrown under the bus?
Roy’s defenders will point to his conservative voting record, and that’s fair. He has opposed Biden administration policies and marketed himself as a constitutional hardliner. But conservative voters are increasingly learning that voting scorecards mean very little when pressure reveals someone’s instincts.
And Roy’s instincts, at the defining moment, were not to protect the movement. They were to condemn it alongside people who openly despised it.
Texas conservatives have spent years warning about Republicans who campaign like MAGA warriors back home while quietly serving the priorities of the donor class and establishment once inside Washington. Many now fear Chip Roy fits that mold perfectly, polished, articulate, deeply ambitious, and ultimately unreliable when the stakes become uncomfortable.
The time has come to end the political careers of all who oppose the People, those who oppose the MAGA agenda.
Election
Texas Conservatives Turn on Cornyn as Paxton Surges
OPINION – For years, Texas conservatives have watched Republicans campaign as fighters back home, only to return to Washington and govern like cautious corporate managers. That frustration is now boiling over in the growing divide between Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton and U.S. Senator John Cornyn, a battle that increasingly defines the Republican Party in Texas.
Paxton has become one of the most aggressive conservative legal figures in America. Cornyn, meanwhile, is increasingly viewed by grassroots Republicans as an establishment insider tied to the old Bush era wing of the GOP. The contrast could hardly be sharper.
Paxton built his reputation fighting the Biden administration on immigration, election disputes, COVID mandates, and federal overreach. Supporters say he has consistently used the Attorney General’s office to defend Texas sovereignty and conservative values. President Donald Trump praised Paxton during his 2022 reelection fight, calling him “a true warrior for conservative values” while endorsing him against challenger George P. Bush.
For many Texas Republicans, Trump’s support mattered because Paxton was already viewed as willing to confront Washington directly rather than negotiate with it.
Cornyn has found himself on the opposite side of many of those same debates. Conservatives sharply criticized his role in bipartisan gun negotiations after the Uvalde shooting, but immigration remains the biggest source of anger among the Republican base. Cornyn has long supported expansions of employment based immigration programs, including H1B visa policies favored by major corporations.
Critics argue those programs have displaced American workers in industries like engineering, healthcare, technology, and data services by allowing companies to import cheaper foreign labor. Over the years, outsourcing firms and tech companies have repeatedly faced backlash after replacing American employees with foreign visa workers, sometimes even requiring laid off staff to train their replacements before leaving.
Cornyn argues skilled immigration helps fill labor shortages and strengthens the economy. But many Texas conservatives increasingly see the system as benefiting multinational corporations while middle-class American workers fall behind.
Paxton has aligned himself almost entirely with border hawks and immigration enforcement advocates. He has repeatedly sued the Biden administration over border policies and backed Texas efforts to secure the southern border independently of federal action. Supporters argue those lawsuits helped slow federal policies they believed encouraged illegal immigration and weakened state sovereignty.
Some conservatives also frame the immigration debate in cultural and security terms, warning that unchecked migration and weak assimilation policies can destabilize communities and strain public resources. Paxton supporters often portray him as defending Texas from the kinds of social fragmentation seen in parts of Europe.
Cornyn’s critics increasingly label him a “RINO,” shorthand for Republican In Name Only, arguing that he represents donor class priorities rather than grassroots conservatives. Trump allies have also criticized Cornyn as part of the “old Republican guard” that voters rejected during Trump’s rise. Cornyn’s primary supporter is the Lone Star Freedom Project, a dark money 501c(4) operated by former Texas Governor Rick Perry.
Opinion sections are where political realities become unavoidable. The reality is this: many Texas Republicans no longer want cautious institutional Republicans who focus on compromise while Democrats aggressively push cultural and political change nationwide.
They want confrontation. They want resistance. They want politicians willing to fight publicly and relentlessly.
That explains why Paxton continues to maintain strong support despite years of legal and political attacks. Many conservatives interpret those attacks not as proof he should step aside, but as proof he threatens entrenched political interests.
Cornyn, meanwhile, increasingly represents a Republican era many grassroots voters believe failed to defend the border, protect American workers, or stand firmly against Washington’s expansion of power. In today’s Texas Republican politics, that perception may be impossible to overcome.
You must be logged in to post a comment Login