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In a wave of school-district elections across North Texas and beyond this week, voters approved a number of Voter-Approval Tax-Ratification Elections (VATREs) — allowing independent school districts to raise their maintenance-and-operations (M&O) tax rates above the state-determined caps.

While the results reflect a clear willingness by taxpayers to fund local schools, they also expose a troubling pattern: the very officials who champion themselves as conservative guardians of the public trust now appear to be embracing tax increases and new spending. Pipkins Reports has been taking notes and when those elections come to pass, we will be reminding voters which politicians had their hands deep into taxpayers pockets.

Below is a summary of the key VATRE outcomes, followed by a discussion of the political implications and which public officials are already showing up in voters’ crosshairs.


VATREs That Passed – What Voters Approved

Here are the key districts where VATREs passed, with what was on the line and what the approval means.

  • Rockwall Independent School District (Rockwall ISD)
    Voters approved the district’s VATRE: 10,864 voted “For” (54.08 %) and 9,226 voted “Against” (45.92 %), in a total of 20,090 votes. Difference ≈ 1,638 (≈ 8 %).
  • Garland Independent School District (Garland ISD)
    Voters approved the district proposal (Proposition A) to raise the tax rate to $1.1709 per $100 valuation. That represents a 12-cent increase over the previous rate of $1.0509.
  • Carroll Independent School District (Carroll ISD)
    Voters approved the VATRE with 4,941 votes in favor and 3,625 opposed. The new tax rate change is expected to generate up to $4 million in additional revenue.
  • Hurst‑Euless‑Bedford Independent School District (HEB ISD)
    Voters approved a 3-cent rate increase (via the VATRE), generating about $12 million in new operational funding.
  • Denton Independent School District (Denton ISD)
    Voters approved the VATRE, which will generate approximately $26 million annually in additional revenue for the district.
  • Peaster Independent School District (Peaster ISD)
    Voters approved the VATRE, authorizing three “Golden Pennies,” providing about $280,000 in new local tax revenue.
  • Taylor Independent School District (Taylor ISD)
    Voters approved the VATRE (Prop B) alongside a bond (Prop A). Both passed. The VATRE will be used to generate operational revenue for student programs and corporate partnerships.
  • Liberty Hill Independent School District (Liberty Hill ISD)
    Voters approved the VATRE designed to provide $10.7 million for student programs ($7.2 m), safety & security ($1.3 m), and teacher/staff retention ($2.2 m).

VATREs That Did Not Pass – Rejections

  • Manor Independent School District (Manor ISD)
    The district placed three propositions (Prop A: $359.5 m for renovs & security; Prop B: $8.5 m tech; Prop C: $16.5 m performing arts), but the VATRE was rejected by voters.
  • Coupland Independent School District (Coupland ISD)
    VATRE (Prop A) would have generated approx. $240,939 for M&O, staff payments, supplies — rejected by voters.
  • Hays Consolidated Independent School District (Hays CISD)
    VATRE (Prop A) to increase M&O tax rate by 12 cents (~$26 m additional revenue) was rejected by voters.
  • Blanco Independent School District (Blanco ISD)
    Two-cent M&O rate increase rejected by voters.

What This Means — And What We Are Watching

From a constitutional conservative vantage point, several observations emerge:

  1. The Positive Side: Voters in many districts clearly were willing to approve higher taxes to fund education operations rather than just bond debt. That responsiveness suggests local communities see a need and are willing to step up.
  2. Inflation Predicted: These tax increases are ongoing revenue commitments. They are not one-time bonds, but continuous operational funding. Once the tax rate is increased, there is no mechanism to ever lower it back down. It is essentially eternal.
  3. Political Accountability: Many board members, superintendents, and district trustees who positioned themselves as fiscally prudent or conservative were seen as leading the charge for higher taxes. That reveals a mismatch between rhetoric and reality. The same goes for councilmen and mayors who chose to side with an increase in taxes. Excuses of, “It’s for the children” or “It’s for the teachers” will fall on deaf ears in future elections.
  4. The Power Players to Note:
    • In Garland ISD, the Board of Trustees and district leadership backed the 12-cent rate hike that will bring in ~$56 m annually. Voters and watchdogs (including us) will remember who voted for that.
    • Rockwall ISD’s trustees, various Rockwall County Mayors, nudged voters into approving a rate increase while trying to pretend they were ‘neutral’ . But we see them for who they are, and we will remind voters in future elections.
    • In Denton, HEB, Carroll, Peaster and Liberty Hill, local boards quietly advanced VATREs — again with minimal fanfare but major tax implications. We were watching. Changes will be made.
  5. The Contrast With Other Districts: Some districts rejected VATREs. Others such as Fair Independent School District, recently adopted lower tax rates for 2025-26 — a rarity worth highlighting.
  6. The Election Implications: For the upcoming school-board races and local council elections (many of which overlap with these districts), voters will evaluate not only candidates’ rhetorical conservatism but their tax-and-spending votes. At Pipkins Reports, we’ll publish scorecards of who supported VATREs and how their financing stacks up. We WILL do our part to inform the community and help remove the frauds in our local governments.

Conclusion: Clarity.

Texans are willing to support public education funding…for now. The approval of several VATREs around the state sends a signal: yes, we the taxpayers will step up — but what is going to happen in the next 2-3 years when taxpayers are hit with a huge dose of reality that the promised “insignificant” raise to fund teachers and students turns into a gigantic financial burden, on the order of thousands of dollars a year?

The real-world effects of all the VATRE’s cannot be hidden. The platitudes given during this campaign will soon sink to the bottom of the reality jar. The betrayal citizens will feel when election time comes back around will be immense … and we will be here to remind them of whom it was that put them in that position.

See you at the next election in May … thank you for your cooperation.



Election

The Chilling Truth Behind Rockwall ISD’s Prop A: Tax Hike Far Higher Than District Claims

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Rockwall ISD M&O Grows 17.6% Larger

Rockwall County, TX – Rockwall County voters are being asked—once again—to approve a property tax increase for the Rockwall Independent School District (RISD). The proposal, known as Proposition A, appears on the November 2025 ballot as part of a Voter-Approved Tax Rate Election (VATRE). District officials are promoting the measure as a modest, four-cent bump to the local Maintenance & Operations (M&O) tax rate, claiming it’s necessary to raise teacher pay and keep up with growth.

But a closer examination of the district’s own efficiency audit reveals a very different story. According to the audit conducted by Weaver and Tidwell, LLP and released July 31, 2025, the actual increase is nearly triple what the district is telling voters. The proposed M&O rate of $0.7869 per $100 valuation, up from $0.6692 in fiscal year 2024, represents an increase of $0.1177, or roughly 17.6%.

The Four-Cent Illusion

So how can the district claim this is only a “four-cent” increase when the audit clearly shows an 11.77-cent jump? The answer lies in the complicated world of tax compression—a system originally meant to lower school tax rates as state funding grew.

Under Texas law, as local property values rise, the state automatically “compresses” a district’s M&O rate downward to offset the windfall from higher valuations. For 2025, Rockwall ISD’s rate was scheduled to automatically drop by around seven to eight cents due to this compression formula.

Instead of allowing that reduction to occur, RISD is asking voters to override the compression, effectively freezing the rate at a higher level. By comparing the proposed rate not to last year’s rate, but to the lower compressed rate that would have automatically taken effect, the district is able to advertise the hike as a “four-cent increase.”

In plain terms: if voters say yes to Prop A, they’re not merely forgoing a reduction—they’re authorizing a permanent 11.77-cent increase per $100 valuation over what they actually paid last year. It’s an accounting sleight of hand that makes a substantial hike sound like spare change.

The Real Numbers

Rockwall ISD’s total proposed ad valorem tax rate for 2025–2026 is $1.0669 per $100 valuation. The district insists that taxes are “still going down” because homestead exemptions have risen and the overall rate is lower than in prior years. But that claim blurs the distinction between the debt service rate—which pays for bonds—and the M&O rate, which funds salaries, operations, and daily expenses.

According to the audit, the tax increase would generate an additional $16.5 million in local revenue—an 8.3% increase in operating funds—even before accounting for future property appreciation. The average Rockwall County home, now valued at $394,000, would see a $4,268 annual tax bill, up roughly $160 per year. But if property values continue their steady climb—over 40% growth in the past five years—this “small” increase compounds quickly. Within five years, that same homeowner could pay hundreds more annually even without another rate hike.

A District in Strong Financial Health

RISD’s own financial data doesn’t suggest a district in crisis. The audit shows that for fiscal year 2024, Rockwall ISD spent $10,483 per student, well below both its peer district average ($11,641) and the state average ($12,944). On the revenue side, the district collected $10,067 per student, again below both peer and state averages, but with healthy margins and a substantial surplus.

The audit also confirmed that RISD earned a “Superior” rating in the School Financial Integrity Rating System of Texas (FIRST), the state’s highest financial management score. The district holds an unassigned fund balance of $56.4 million, plus another $20 million in assigned funds—well above the state’s recommended three-month operating reserve. In fact, the district’s unassigned fund balance exceeds that benchmark by 27.3%, meaning it already has ample reserves to handle short-term needs or moderate cost increases without new taxes.

Teacher Pay and Staffing

RISD’s leadership justifies Prop A as essential to “retain and recruit quality teachers,” citing pay gaps between Rockwall and its peers. The audit, however, paints a more nuanced picture. The average teacher salary in Rockwall ISD is $63,142—slightly below the peer district average ($64,033) but above the statewide average ($62,463). The average administrative salary sits at $95,892, below peer levels but still above the state’s $94,609 average.

The district’s payroll accounts for 79.3% of all spending, slightly higher than both the peer average (78.9%) and state average (77.8%). Importantly, teacher turnover in Rockwall ISD is lower than its peers—19.3% compared to 20.3%—suggesting that retention may not be primarily a salary issue.

The district already employs a merit and performance-based pay system, and has made market adjustments within the last two years. These policies demonstrate an ongoing effort to stay competitive without necessarily increasing the tax rate.

Academic and Operational Efficiency

Academically, the district performs well. It earned a “B” rating (88/100) in the latest TEA accountability report, with 11 campuses rated “A” and eight rated “B.” Attendance rates exceed both the state and peer averages, while the district’s student-to-teacher ratio of 16.1 to 1 is slightly higher than the state’s 14.7 to 1, indicating efficient use of personnel.

Even in athletics and extracurriculars—areas that often draw criticism for overspending—RISD allocates a lower percentage of its budget to non-academic programs than many comparable districts.

Why Ask for More?

If Rockwall ISD spends less per student, holds strong reserves, and already pays competitive salaries, what’s driving the push for higher taxes? According to district officials, the answer lies in growth. Rockwall’s student population has increased by roughly 2.5% annually over the past five years, and new campuses are on the horizon. The district argues that additional funds are needed to hire teachers, expand facilities, and meet state-mandated safety requirements.

But skeptics point out that those costs could be absorbed through existing fund balances or internal reallocations, especially given the district’s consistent operating surpluses. Voters may reasonably wonder why a district with one of the healthiest balance sheets in the region needs to raise taxes now—particularly when the requested increase is being marketed with misleading math.

Long-Term Implications

The real burden of Prop A lies not in the immediate increase, but in its compounding effect. If property valuations continue to rise by a conservative 5% annually, a home valued at $394,000 today could reach roughly $503,000 by 2030. At the proposed rate of $0.7869, that homeowner’s M&O taxes alone would rise from $3,095 to nearly $3,960—an increase of 28% without another election or additional rate change.

When debt service (I&S) is factored in, total school taxes could easily surpass $5,000 per year within five years.

A Matter of Trust

Rockwall ISD has, by nearly every measure, managed its finances responsibly. It ranks high in fiscal integrity, demonstrates prudent budgeting, and maintains solid academic outcomes. Yet Proposition A’s framing raises serious questions about transparency.

By advertising a 4-cent increase when the audit clearly documents a nearly 12-cent rise, the district risks eroding the very public trust it depends on. For voters, the decision is no longer just about education funding—it’s about honesty in government and whether officials are willing to present the true cost of their proposals.

In the end, Proposition A is less about whether Rockwall values its teachers—clearly, it does—and more about whether taxpayers can trust the numbers being placed before them. As voters head to the polls, they’d do well to remember that in public finance, as in politics, what’s left unsaid often costs the most.

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Election

Eric Bott’s Open Letter on Rockwall ISD’s VATRE and Recapture Controversy

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Eric Bott Open Letter to Rockwall ISD

Rockwall, TX – Rockwall resident Eric Bott has issued an open letter to Rockwall ISD Superintendent Dr. Villarreal, CFO David Carter, Trustee Grant DuBois, Trustee Stan Britton, and the full Board of Trustees. Dated in the wake of explosive reporting from The Texan (October 27, 2025), Bott’s letter exposes what he describes as a pattern of misleading public statements, selective data, and potential coordination with a pro-VATRE political action committee ahead of the Voter-Approval Tax Rate Election (VATRE).

Citing direct confirmation from Texas Education Agency (TEA) officials—who used Rockwall ISD’s own estimates—Bott reveals that passage of the VATRE would trigger recapture (or “netting”) of approximately $3.5–$4 million in local revenue, effectively sending taxpayer dollars out of the district despite repeated assurances to the contrary. The letter demands immediate retractions, full disclosure of PAC communications, and a commitment to neutral, factual messaging.

As PipkinsReports.com shares this letter in full, it underscores a critical community debate: With teacher raises achievable through existing budgets and new state funds, was the VATRE truly necessary—or has it risked long-term financial harm through recapture? Read Bott’s complete open letter below, complete with verified sources, and join the conversation on local education governance.

Subject: Open Letter: Rockwall ISD Recapture, Transparency, and Leadership

Dear Dr. Villarreal, Mr. Carter, Mr. DuBois, Mr. Britton, and Members of the Rockwall ISD Board,

This correspondence will be shared with local media and community stakeholders in the interest of full transparency and public accountability.

As a resident and taxpayer of Rockwall ISD, I am deeply concerned by the continuing pattern of incomplete and misleading information presented to the public regarding the financial impact of the Voter-Approval Tax Rate Election (VATRE).

The most recent reporting from The Texan confirms what many citizens have questioning for months: under the proposed VATRE, Rockwall ISD will enter recapture.

According to The Texan (October 27, 2025):

“Officials from the Texas Education Agency (TEA) walked through the VATRE scenario using Rockwall ISD estimates with The Texan, indicating that the district will be subject to recapture should the VATRE pass.”

TEA calculations, based on the district’s own submissions, show roughly $3.5 to $4 million in excess local revenue that must be offset through a Chapter 49 netting agreement. The state will reduce the district’s aid by that amount. Whether called “netting” or “recapture,” the effect on taxpayers is the same: those dollars leave Rockwall.

Leadership and Communication Failures

1. False public statements about recapture
During multiple board meetings and in several public forums, David Carter, the district’s Chief Financial Officer, has repeatedly stated that Rockwall ISD would not enter recapture under the VATRE. While he carefully worded those statements to avoid saying “no way,” his phrasing consistently led the public to believe recapture was not possible.

In one particular meeting, while Mr. Carter was at the podium presenting to the board, Grant DuBois turned the discussion into what appeared to be a coordinated pitch for the VATRE. In that exchange, Mr. DuBois stated, “If we don’t pass this, I don’t see any other way – there’s no other way,” and then asked Mr. Carter to confirm whether he saw another option. Mr. Carter did not respond, allowing the implication to stand that passing the VATRE was the only possible way to fund district operations and pay raises.

Both the statements and the silence in that setting reinforced a misleading narrative that directly conflicts with TEA data and the agency’s confirmation to The Texan. These public misrepresentations must be corrected immediately.

2. Misuse of terminology and selective information
The district has relied on outdated TEA summaries that exclude the additional copper-penny revenue created by the VATRE. Once that revenue is included, the district’s local share exceeds its entitlement and triggers recapture. Continuing to cite incomplete figures misleads voters.

3. Coordination with a political action committee
The “Vote Yes for Rockwall ISD” PAC appears to have an open door to district information, receiving details and district-generated materials quickly and using very specific talking points in its campaign messaging. This creates the appearance of coordination between the district and a political organization during an election, undermining public trust and potentially violating election-communication rules.

4. Conduct unbecoming of a trustee
Stan Britton has repeatedly made public posts on his personal Facebook page and within teacher forums that repeat inaccurate district claims about recapture and the financial impact of the VATRE. While every citizen has the right to personal opinions, statements from a sitting trustee carry the weight of official authority. When those statements are inaccurate, they mislead voters and damage public confidence. I respectfully request that Mr. Britton publicly retract his statements or that the Board consider appropriate action.

5. Failure of transparency
Despite repeated citizen requests for clarity, the district has avoided direct answers about recapture, choosing instead to host selective meetings and private briefings promoting passage of the VATRE. That is not open governance; it is controlled messaging. Independent research by a citizen advocate with the Restore Conservative Roots Coalition reached the same conclusion: Rockwall ISD will enter recapture under the VATRE.

Furthermore, The Texan reached out to David Carter for comment in both of its recent articles, and he declined to respond. District spokesperson Renae Murphy also declined to comment when asked about recapture. When pressed to explain the roughly $4 million gap between the $20.4 million in new M&O revenue stated on the ballot and the $16.4 million reflected in the district’s own budget documents, Ms. Murphy was unable to give a clear answer. Her explanation did not reconcile the difference and only added to public confusion about where those missing funds would go. That lack of clarity once again underscores the district’s unwillingness to communicate transparently with taxpayers.

Required Corrective Actions

  1. Retract and correct all public statements claiming that Rockwall ISD “is not subject to recapture.”
  2. Acknowledge that the VATRE’s copper-penny tax rate triggers recapture under TEA’s calculations.
  3. Disclose all communications between district officials and the “Vote Yes for Rockwall ISD” PAC.
  4. Commit that all future district messaging during elections will be neutral and factual.

Verified Sources

  1. The Texan, “Rockwall ISD ‘Netting’ Agreement Would Offset Recapture Payments by Reducing State Aid,” Oct 27, 2025
    https://thetexan.news/issues/education/rockwall-isd-netting-agreement-would-offset-recapture-payments-by-reducing-state-aid/article_c7bd96d9-07c9-48b8-9d8c-98eeb0d50b66.html
  2. TEA Summary of Finances and Chapter 49 documentation obtained through Public Information Requests (available upon request)

This situation represents a serious failure of leadership and communication. Rockwall ISD’s credibility depends on honesty, not wordplay. The community deserves full transparency and an immediate correction of the public record.

It is also important to note that teacher raises could have been achieved within the district’s existing budget and recent state funding allocations. The VATRE was not necessary and has instead risked placing Rockwall ISD into recapture.

Sincerely,
Eric Bott
Rockwall Resident

** Eric Bott has lived in Rockwall since 2005 and runs his own consulting business specializing in technology operations. He is also a longtime grassroots activist dedicated to local accountability and representing Rockwall’s taxpayers and families.

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Election

The Lone Star Freedom Project: Rick Perry’s Dark Money Machine Boosting John Cornyn

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Washington DC – In the heat of Texas politics, as the 2026 Senate primary looms, voters across the state have been bombarded with a barrage of television and digital ads portraying U.S. Senator John Cornyn as a steadfast ally of President Donald Trump. These spots, flooding airwaves in key markets like Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston, aren’t the work of Cornyn’s official campaign. Instead, they originate from a shadowy newcomer: the Lone Star Freedom Project, a freshly minted 501(c)(4) nonprofit chaired by former Texas Governor Rick Perry.

Launched just weeks ago, this group has already funneled and estimated $260,000 into Dallas-Fort Worth media buys and $40,000 in Houston, all in a bid to shore up Cornyn’s image amid a brewing challenge from Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton. But beneath the glossy pro-Cornyn messaging lies a web of undisclosed funding and deep-rooted political alliances, raising questions about who—or what—is truly pulling the strings.

A Star-Studded Board, But Opaque Origins

The Lone Star Freedom Project burst onto the scene in early October 2025, positioning itself as a vehicle for “social welfare” in the Lone Star State. Its website, which went live around October 1, proudly lists Perry as chair, flanked by a roster of Texas heavyweights. Perry, the 47th Governor of Texas from 2000 to 2015 and briefly U.S. Secretary of Energy under Trump, brings political clout. His assentation from state House representative to agriculture commissioner, and ultimately to the governorship after succeeding George W. Bush.

Joining Perry are Susan Combs, a former Texas Comptroller and the state’s first female Agriculture Commissioner, who later served as Assistant Secretary for Policy, Management, and Budget at the U.S. Department of the Interior. Combs, now a fellow at the University of Texas Center for Identity and treasurer of the Women’s Suffrage National Monument Foundation, oversees a sprawling West Texas family ranch.

Claire Brickman, a University of Texas and Southern Methodist Law alum, rounds out the legal muscle with stints at the Department of Justice and as a state prosecutor. And then there’s Marcus Luttrell, the Houston-born Navy SEAL hero of Lone Survivor fame, a recipient of the Navy Cross and Purple Heart for his harrowing survival in Afghanistan’s Operation Red Wings.

On paper, it’s an all-star team of conservative credentials. Incorporated as a Delaware, not Texas, domestic corporation on June 25, 2025—just months before its ad blitz—the group claims 501(c)(4) status, allowing it to operate as a tax-exempt social welfare organization. Yet, for all its Texas pride, the project’s rapid formation and immediate dive into partisan advertising smack of strategic timing, especially as Perry has publicly lumped his endorsement of Cornyn with support for other GOP establishment figures like former Texas House Speaker Dade Phelan.

The Dark Money Veil: Unlimited Funds, Zero Transparency

What truly sets the Lone Star Freedom Project apart—and fuels its suspicious aura—is its 501(c)(4) designation. Under IRS rules, these “social welfare” nonprofits can engage in political activities, including unlimited independent expenditures on ads, as long as such efforts aren’t their “primary” purpose. The catch? They aren’t required to disclose donors, earning them the moniker “dark money” groups. Unlike super PACs or 527 organizations, 501(c)(4)s like this one can hoover up unlimited cash from individuals, corporations, unions, or even foreign nationals (if carefully crafted)—without ever revealing the sources.

This loophole is particularly alarming for foreign influence. Current federal law imposes no outright ban on contributions from non-U.S. citizens, green card holders, or overseas entities to 501(c)(4)s, provided the funds aren’t explicitly directed toward banned election activities. But there’s the rub. The organization’s stated purpose is “social walfare”, not “electioneering”.

Furthermore, there’s no cap on donation amounts, and since donors remain anonymous, a Russian oligarch, a Chinese state-linked firm, or a Saudi sheikh could funnel millions through domestic proxies, indirectly shaping U.S. elections. The group could then pass those funds to super PACs or launch its own ad salvos, all while cloaked in secrecy.

For a group as nascent as Lone Star Freedom Project —too new for IRS filings or an OpenSecrets profile—its absence from public databases isn’t surprising. Self-declared 501(c)(4)s don’t need pre-approval, and their first Form 990 returns won’t surface until mid-2026 at earliest. But that delay only amplifies the opacity: Who bankrolled that $300,000 ad buy? Domestic oil barons hedging against Paxton’s populist fire? Foreign interests eyeing Texas energy policy through Cornyn’s Senate perch? Or shadowy super PACs laundering cash? Without disclosure, it’s anyone’s guess, all we know for sure is that Rick Perry has his fingers all over it.

Perry and Cornyn: A Brotherhood Forged in Texas Power

The Lone Star Freedom Project isn’t operating in a vacuum—it’s the latest chapter in a decades-long bromance between Perry and Cornyn, two architects of the Texas Republican machine. Their paths first crossed in the late 1990s, when Cornyn served as Texas Attorney General (1999–2002), overlapping with Perry’s early days as governor starting in December 2000. The bond solidified in November 2002, when Perry appointed the newly elected Cornyn to a brief interim U.S. Senate term vacated by Phil Gramm, giving Cornyn a head start in Washington and cementing their mutual loyalty.

This alliance extends through a constellation of shared operatives, many of whom have shuttled between their orbits:

PersonRole with Rick PerryRole with John CornynNotes
Chip RoySenior Advisor & Director of State-Federal Relations (2011); Ghostwriter for Fed Up! (2010)Campaign aide (2002); Staff Director & Senior Counsel, Senate Judiciary Committee (2003–2009)Advised Cornyn on immigration; later Texas AG under Paxton.
Brooke RollinsPolicy Director & Deputy General Counsel (early 2000s); TPPF President/CEOIntroduced & confirmed by Cornyn as Ag Secretary (2025)Texas Public Policy Foundation ties; Cornyn praised her leadership.
Ted DelisiCampaign consultant (2002, 2006 gubernatorial)Press Secretary/Communications Director (1999–2002); 2002 Senate consultantCo-founder of Delisi Communications, GOP strategy firm.
Deirdre DelisiChief of Staff (2004–2007); 2012 presidential advisorIndirect via husband TedTexas Transportation Commission Chair (2008–2011).
Tony FabrizioChief Pollster & Senior Strategist (2012 presidential)Worked for NRSC campaigns under Cornyn’s chairmanship (2009–2012)Frequent pollster for Cornyn-aligned establishment candidates.
Joe AllbaughSenior Campaign Advisor (2012 presidential)Bush-era Texas GOP network tiesFormer FEMA Director; propelled both men’s rises.
Ray SullivanCommunications Director (2012 presidential); Chief of Staff (2009–2011)Statewide GOP message coordinationHandled Perry re-elections.
Rob JohnsonCampaign Manager (2010 gubernatorial); Senior Strategist (2012 presidential)Texas GOP fundraising networksActive in both circles.

These overlaps aren’t coincidental; they trace back to shared bastions like the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a Perry-favored think tank pushing government agendas that Cornyn has long championed. Perry’s endorsement of Cornyn in the 2026 primary—framed as a bulwark against Paxton’s insurgent bid—feels like a full-circle moment for two men who have traded appointments, advice, and influence for over two decades.

A Shadow Over Texas Conservatism?

As the Lone Star Freedom Project ramps up its pro-Cornyn offensive, its dark money structure invites scrutiny in an era of heightened concerns over election integrity. For Texas voters, the real question isn’t just whether Cornyn is a “Trump ally,” but whose money is scripting the narrative. In a primary pitting establishment grit against populist fervor, this group’s unchecked flow of hidden funds could tip the scales—and deepen America’s divide over who gets to buy influence in the shadows. As filings trickle in next year, the truth may finally emerge. Until then, the Lone Star’s freedom comes with a hefty veil of secrecy.

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