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20-Nov-2020 4:25 PM EST, by University of California, Berkeley Haas School of Business

Newswise — Everyone loves to complain that their taxes are too high. Yet few people actually take the time to formally protest them.

A recent deep-dive into property tax appeals in Texas offers new insights on what motivates people to protest or accept their tax obligations.

“Historically, the study of people’s support for taxation was limited to survey data, asking people whether they prefer higher or lower taxes,” says Berkeley Haas Assoc. Prof. Ricardo Perez-Truglia says. “However, some individuals may say that they want higher taxes but, when the stakes are real, they may not put their money where their mouths are.”

Some individuals may say that they want higher taxes but, when the stakes are real, they may not put their money where their mouths are. —Ricardo Perez-Truglia

In his National Bureau of Economic Research working paper, Perez-Truglia worked with Brad Nathan and Alejandro Zentner from the University of Texas at Dallas on unique field experiments that measured how different types of information affected people’s propensity to protest their taxes. Through this first-hand look at how people actually behave when it comes to protesting taxes, they found that people are generally motivated by self-interest—but that can be dampened when they find out they’re paying less than their neighbors. They also found substantial differences between Democrats and Republicans.

Dallas County tax protests

The researchers conducted their experiments in Dallas County—the second largest county in Texas, with a population of about 2.6 million. Given that the state has no income tax, property taxes provide a large source of revenue. The average household currently pays about 2% of their home’s market value annually, or about $6,000. Yet local rules allow residents to appeal their tax bills. This year, 8.4% of households filed a protest on their own, and an additional 8.4% filed a protest with the help of an agent. The researchers estimated that around half of all protests were successful; those who prevailed got a $600 tax-bill reduction, on average.

Perez-Truglia and his co-authors were interested in why people make the decision to protest or not. They first examined whether higher tax rates led to more protests, which would support the idea that homeowners act in their own self-interest. Due to a rule in the Texas property code that lets homeowners apply for “homestead” status, which caps increases in the appraised value of their primary residence at 10% per year, the researchers were able to compare homes that fell under that cap with those that didn’t. That allowed them to calculate that the probability of protesting does increase by about 3.7 percentage points per a 0.1 percentage point increase in the tax rate cap.

Hassle costs

Next, they looked at what prevents people from filing protests. There’s no fee requirement, but it does take time to learn how to submit an appeal. To examine these hassle costs, the researchers randomly sent letters to certain homeowners with information on how to file a protest. Some people received letters with a step-by-step guide on how to file an appeal, while others got additional information on how to argue for why their property taxes should be reduced. The letters were customized with the homeowners’ name, a suggested argument that the property was worth less than the assessed value, and a mention of websites like Zillow and Redfin, where people can look up prices of comparable properties. (The letters were labeled as coming from a University of Texas research study and included a url where people could find more information.)

Among those households which didn’t receive any letter, about 9% filed protests on their own. The group that received the basic information on how to appeal increased their probability of protesting by about 1.8 percentage points. Meanwhile, the group that received more details on how to form an argument filed protests at a rate 3.5 percentage points higher than the control group—which represented a 40% increase. This implied that a large reason for why homeowners did not file protests was due to the extra work it took to figure out how to file. Using these results, the researchers calculated that the hassle costs were about $226 on average. Given that only about half of appeals are successful—making the average benefit under $300—this suggests that the costs of filing likely outweighs the benefits.

But what do the neighbors pay?

The researchers also examined whether people considered how their decisions related to broader social goals. In letters sent to an additional group of homeowners, they included information on the county’s average tax rate. They did this to explore whether people are willing to accept their assessed tax rate if they know others are facing even higher burdens—a phenomenon that economists call conditional cooperation. Indeed, they found that giving people additional information on what other residents pay decreased the likelihood that they would file a protest. In sum, they estimated that a 0.1 percentage point increase in the tax rate would increase the likelihood that an individual household would file a protest by almost 10 percentage points. But if taxes were raised countywide by 0.1 percentage point, then the household’s likelihood of protesting would only increase by about 6.4 percentage points.

Finally, the researchers also analyzed differences by whether people were registered as Democrats (about 55% of the county’s homeowners) or Republicans (about 45% of homeowners). Both voter groups responded to information about the benefits and costs of protesting, but Republicans were more likely than Democrats to increase their rate of protests after receiving the detailed letter. However, Perez-Truglia noted that the differences were not as great as our political rhetoric suggests.

Survey data shows that Republicans and Democrats are worlds apart in their support for taxation, but our preliminary findings suggest that those differences are more modest when you look at their behavior. —Ricardo Perez-Truglia

“Survey data shows that Republicans and Democrats are worlds apart in their support for taxation, but our preliminary findings suggest that those differences are more modest when you look at their behavior,” Perez-Truglia says. “I see this finding as good news: there may be a lot more room for agreement than what the survey data (and the media) may suggest.”

Michael Pipkins focuses on public integrity, governance, constitutional issues, and political developments affecting Texans. His investigative reporting covers public-record disputes, city-government controversies, campaign finance matters, and the use of public authority. Pipkins is a member of the Society of Professional Journalists (SPJ). As an SPJ member, Pipkins adheres to established principles of ethical reporting, including accuracy, fairness, source protection, and independent journalism.

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Council

Tax Hikes, Fees, and Townhomes: The Record of Allen Robbins in Fate

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Allen Robbins

FATE, TX – Voters in Fate may soon face a familiar name on the ballot, but beneath the surface of Allen Robbins’ political comeback lies a record that could reshape how residents view his return. As the May 2026 city council election approaches, Robbins, a former Fate councilman, is seeking another term, bringing with him a documented voting history that raises pointed questions about taxes, fees, and development decisions that directly affected residents’ wallets and the city’s character.

Public records from the City of Fate show that during his previous tenure, Robbins not only introduced a series of consequential motions, but in each instance, those motions ultimately passed the council. The result was a slate of enacted policies that increased costs and advanced higher-density development, leaving a clear legislative footprint for voters to evaluate.

Below are seven key actions tied to Robbins’ record that voters may weigh as they consider his candidacy.

1. Ratifying a Property Tax Increase

Robbins made the motion to approve Ordinance No. 0-2023-036, ratifying a property tax increase embedded in the adopted budget for fiscal year 2023–2024. The motion passed, formally locking in the increased tax burden tied to that budget cycle.

2. Supporting a 5.96 Percent Tax Rate Increase

Robbins also made the motion to adopt Ordinance No. 0-2023-037, setting the property tax rate at $0.26421, an effective increase of approximately 5.96 percent. The council approved the measure, resulting in a higher rate applied to property owners across the city.

3. Approving Increased Solid Waste Fees

Through Ordinance No. O-2023-038, Robbins moved to approve updated rates for solid waste and refuse collection services. The motion passed, leading to increased service charges for residents.

4. Road Fee Adoption

Although introduced by another council member, Robbins voted to approve Ordinance No. 0-2023-039, establishing a $3 road fee for both single-family and multi-family residential units. The measure adds a recurring fee impacting nearly all households.

5. Zoning Change with Financial Penalties

Robbins made the motion to approve Ordinance No. O-2023-021, which amended zoning classifications on approximately 3.18 acres from Mixed Use to Mixed Use Transition for a Townhouse Development.

6. Approval of a 179-Unit Townhome Development

Through Resolution No. R-2023-055, Robbins moved to approve a Type III development plan for a 179-unit townhome project on approximately 13.9 acres. The council approved the motion, clearing the way for the higher-density development to proceed.

7. Advancing a Maximum Tax Rate Above Key Thresholds

Robbins also made the motion to approve Resolution No. R-2023-058, setting a maximum tax rate that exceeded both the no-new-revenue rate and the voter-approval rate, within the de minimis threshold allowed under Texas law. The motion passed, advancing the process for adopting the higher rate and triggering required public notices and hearings.

Context and Verification

Each of these actions is documented in official City of Fate council records from 2023. Motions made by a council member are a critical procedural step in municipal governance, and in these cases, each motion successfully resulted in council approval, meaning the policies were not merely proposed, but enacted.

Municipal leaders often justify such decisions as necessary responses to growth, infrastructure demands, and service costs. Fate, like many North Texas communities, has experienced rapid expansion, increasing pressure on roads, utilities, and public services.

The Stakes in 2026

As Robbins seeks a return to office in May 2026, voters are presented with a clear and verifiable record of policy actions that translated into tangible outcomes, higher taxes, new fees, and expanded development density.

Whether those outcomes are viewed as responsible governance or excessive government expansion will likely shape the election.

Opinion: A Pattern, Not an Accident

Seven motions. Seven approvals. One consistent direction.

That pattern is difficult to dismiss as coincidence. Robbins’ record reflects a governing philosophy that leans toward increasing revenue through taxation and fees while accommodating denser residential growth.

Supporters may argue these were necessary decisions in a growing city. That is a fair argument. Growth requires infrastructure, and infrastructure costs money.

But voters should also ask whether every increase was necessary, whether alternatives were explored, and whether the cumulative impact on residents was fully considered.

Because while each individual vote might be explained away, together they tell a broader story, one of a councilman comfortable with expanding both the cost and scope of local government.

In a community like Fate, where many families moved seeking affordability and space, that story carries weight.

And in May 2026, voters will decide whether it carries enough weight to keep Allen Robbins out of office, or return him to it.

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Election

Bizarro! Viral Video of Democrat Bobby Pulido – Posted by Opponent!

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Monica De La Cruz

TEXAS, 15th Congressional District – A South Texas congressional race, veered into the realm of bizarro when a decades-old video clip resurfaced, casting a blanket over a newly minted Democratic nominee. What should have been a straightforward primary victory became a flashpoint, as a Republican incumbent Monica De La Cruz amplified a controversial video clip of her Democratic opponent, Bobby Pulido.

Tejano singer Bobby Pulido, a well-known figure in Texas music circles, secured the Democratic nomination earlier this month in Texas’ 15th Congressional District, according to results reported by the Texas Secretary of State and coverage from regional outlets including The Texas Tribune. Pulido, who has built a career as a performer with a loyal following across South Texas, entered politics as part of a broader Democratic effort to reclaim the historically competitive district.

Bobby Pulido – “Dias de Ayer” – youtube

His opponent in the general election, Republican Rep. Monica De La Cruz, wasted little time drawing contrasts. Within days of the primary result, De La Cruz reposted a video clip circulating online that appears to show Pulido under a blanket, making suggestive movements that some viewers interpreted as simulating a “sexual act”. The video’s origin is not entirely clear, though it has been described in online discussions as footage from earlier in Pulido’s entertainment career.

De La Cruz’s campaign did not produce the video, but her decision to repost it on social media drew immediate attention. According to archived posts and reporting from local political blogs, the video had already been circulating among political activists before it reached a broader audience through the congresswoman’s platform.

Pulido has not denied that the video depicts him, but allies have characterized the clip as an out-of-context moment from a performance or comedic setting, arguing that it is being weaponized for political gain. As of this writing, Pulido’s campaign has not issued a detailed public statement addressing the specifics of the video, though supporters have pushed back on what they describe as a “smear tactic.”

The 15th Congressional District, which stretches from the Rio Grande Valley northward toward Seguin, has become a political battleground in recent cycles. De La Cruz flipped the seat for Republicans in 2022, defeating Democratic incumbent Vicente Gonzalez after redistricting reshaped the district’s partisan balance. National observers, including Cook Political Report and Sabato’s Crystal Ball, have since rated the district as competitive, making it a target for both parties.

Pulido’s candidacy reflects a Democratic strategy aimed at leveraging cultural recognition and regional identity. As a Tejano artist, he carries name recognition that traditional political candidates often lack, particularly among Hispanic voters who form a majority in the district. His campaign messaging has emphasized economic opportunity, healthcare access, and immigration reform, themes consistent with broader Democratic priorities.

De La Cruz, for her part, has leaned into a law-and-order message and economic conservatism, aligning closely with House Republican leadership. Her campaign website highlights border security, energy independence, and opposition to what she describes as “Washington overreach.”

The resurfaced video has complicated what might otherwise have been a conventional contrast between policy agendas. Political analysts note that such controversies can have unpredictable effects, particularly in districts where personal image and cultural familiarity carry weight.

Voters often say they want substance, but moments like this can dominate the narrative,” one South Texas political consultant told The Monitor. “The question is whether it sticks, or whether it backfires.

There is also the matter of tone. While negative campaigning is hardly new, the use of suggestive or potentially embarrassing footage raises questions about where campaigns draw the line. The Federal Election Commission does not regulate the content of political speech in this context, leaving such decisions largely to candidates and, ultimately, voters.

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Council

Recall Revenge? Mayor and Three Councilmen May Face Retaliatory Recall in Fate

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Recall Petition for Fate Council

FATE, Texas — The political temperature in Fate, TX is getting hotter. A new recall effort, this time targeting four of Fate’s top elected officials, has been launched by local residents who say the city’s leadership crossed a line when they pursued the removal of a fellow council member.

According to statements circulating among Fate residents and online posts from local activist Christopher Rains, petitioners have begun the first formal steps to recall Mayor Andrew Greenberg, Councilman Mark Hatley, Councilman Rick Maneval, and Councilwoman Martha Huffman. The effort comes just months after the same officials were involved in advancing a recall petition against Councilwoman Codi Chinn, whose recall is already scheduled to be on the May 2026 ballot.

According to documents filed with the city, Rains submitted the paperwork on March 9th to start a 30-day window in which the organizers must gather enough signatures from registered voters in Fate to force recall elections against the four officials. For this election, the magic number is 351 verified signatures, according to city guidelines. There is a separate petition for each member.

Rains, who has been active in the local political dispute, announced the development in a public message on Facebook.

As promised, after several weeks of work, the petitioners affidavits for the Recall of Mayor Greenberg, Councilman Hatley, Councilman Maneval and Councilwoman Huffman have been filed with city officially kicking off the phase two, signature collection,” Rains wrote.

In the past week, organizers have been setting up locations where residents can sign the petitions, while also encouraging interested voters to contact organizers directly through an email account established for the effort.

As we push forward, we have 30 days to collect signatures from the public,” the statement continued. “We have all witnessed the different things that have taken place since last May. Now we can remind the city council that the job is to work for the city of Fate and its residents, not their own agendas.

The previous affidavit against Chinn reached the minimum required signatures in less than 7 days. As previously reported by PipkinsReports, officials certified the petition against Chinn, paving the way for voters to decide her political fate during the May 2026 election.

That earlier effort galvanized some of Chinn’s supporters, with some arguing this new recall is a legitimate accountability measure against those who sought to undo an election, while others view the move as political revenge on behalf of a Councilmember who may be recalled for ‘Conduct Unbecoming,’ which critics define as repeatedly insulting constituents on social media.

Pipkins Reports received a copy of the new “Affidavit of Petitioners’ Committee” late Monday afternoon from the city. The documents reveal that the organizer of the petition is Christoper Rains, whose spouse, Ashley Rains, is running for Fate City Council – Place 2, and is also a member of the Petitioners Committee.

There are four separate Affidavits, one for each councilman being recalled. They are essentially identical, with the only exception being that one person signed on as a committee member for all affidavits except for that of Martha Huffman.

In addition to the Rains’, the other committee members are: Chrystal Powers, Les Darlington, Amanda Archer – Damle, Kaylyn Cowan, Mario Ramos Jr., Michael Brandon Vines, Brenda Rekieta, Brittany Otten, Daniel Otten, Nikki Robinson, Avah Helton, Amanda Oldfield, and Juan Avila.

Lance Megyesi signed on for Greenberg, Hatley & Maneval, but not for Huffman.

[Image of petition against Mayor Greenberg. Other petitions are similar as noted above.]

Side Note: In an unusual twist, the Affidavit copy that we received from the City of Fate had no redactions. This is a matter we will need to investigate further, as this action appears to be a change from previous documents we have received. Pipkins Reports has taken the proactive step to redact all persons’ addresses, as we have done previously.

Recall petitions are not unprecedented, but they are uncommon in most Texas municipalities. However, a recall effort critics characterize as retaliatory is so rare that we could not immediately find a comparative example. Texas law allows cities with charter provisions permitting recall to remove elected officials before their terms expire if voters determine the officials have lost the public’s confidence.

In Fate’s case, the situation has become particularly unusual because the political weapon may soon become pointed in both directions.

At this time, it remains to be seen whether the new petition effort will gather the number of signatures required to trigger recall elections. Still, the effort signals that the dispute inside Fate’s political community is far from over.

*This is an ongoing story. Follow Pipkins Reports on Facebook or X for updates.

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